In his intervention during the round table on the rise of international terrorism, on the occasion of the Axis for Peace 2005 conference, Salim Lamrani took record of the US's secret actions against Cuba. He shows, in an undisputable manner, that Washington – currently and for long time – practices international terrorism although it pretends to fight it.



<h3 class="spip"> Nonexistent Evidence</h3> As for Gerardo Hernández, accused of murder, the prosecutor acknowledged that "considering the evidence presented during the process, proving Gerardo Hernández's involvement constitutes an insurmountable obstacle for the United States". However, the jury found Gerardo Hernández guilty of murder, although the prosecutor himself had expressed his incapacity to prove that charge. There is no precedent for this behavior in the history of US justice. The Five were condemned to long sentences in spite of the fact that none of the charges against them was proven. Actually, it was a political trial.

<h3 class="spip"> Extremely Long Sentences</h3> Gerardo Hernández Nordelo was sentenced to two life terms plus 15 years. Ramón Labañino Salazar was sentenced to a life term plus 18 years in prison. Antonio Guerrero Rodríguez was sentenced to a life term plus 10 years. These three people would have to die in prison and then be born again in order to fulfill their sentences, except for Gerardo Hernández who would need three lives to be at peace with US justice. As for Fernando Hernández Llort and René González Sehwert they were sentenced to 19 and 15 years, respectively. In all, the Five were sentenced to four life terms plus 77 years.

<h3 class="spip"> Numerous Legal Violations Were Committed During the Process </h3> The legal violations committed against the Five are numerous:

They had no immediate access to a lawyer after their arrest.
They had to wait more than two days before they had a legal representation.
They were interrogated for many hours without the presence of their defense attorneys.
They were kept in isolation cells for 17 months, a violation of penitentiary regulations that stipulate that the isolation regime should be applied only for murders and for a maximum of 60 days.
Some 20,000 pages of evidence presented against them were kept secret.
They were not able to have contacts with their attorneys to prepare their defense.
Several witnesses for the prosecution were threatened that they could be accused of being accomplices if they revealed any information to the defense.
The process took place in Miami, in spite of the extremely politicized environment that exists in that city when it comes to any Cuba-related issue.
Before the trial started, an aggressive propaganda campaign was launched accusing the Five of espionage. According to a survey carried out at that time, 79% of the people admitted to be biased against the defendants.
The members of the jury were threatened with death if they acquitted the defendants, as was shown in several articles in the local press [3].
They jury proved to be biased. It comprised of 12 members. The president of the jury had declared that he was against "Fidel Castro's dictatorship". The other 11 had similar opinions.

<h3 class="spip"> Protected Terrorist Groups</h3> In addition to being a political action against Cuba, the trial aimed at protecting terrorist organizations, as shown by the surrealist statements made by Judge Joan A. Lenard. The prosecutor proposed to René González, sentenced to 15 years for having infiltrated terrorist groups, that if he gave false testimony against his compatriots he would be freed. But he categorically refused to do that. The judge expressed her "concern that this defendant, after completing his sentence, could resume his activities". The judge then added to the 15-year sentence a "special additional condition in order to prevent him from associating with terrorist individuals or groups, members of organizations that advocate violence, figures of organized crime or to visit specific places frequented by them". The court explicitly recognized that Miami is a haven for "terrorist individuals or groups" and that nothing is done in that respect, although President Bush has declared a "war on terror".

<h3 class="spip"> Overturned Sentences and Arbitrary Detentions</h3> In April and May 2003, the defense began the appeal process before the Court of Atlanta. In May 27, 2005, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detentions declared that the detention of the Five was arbitrary and that it violated international law. On August 9, 2005, the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals in Atlanta annulled the trial held in Miami but, since then, the Five have remained not only unjustly but also illegally in prison.

<h3 class="spip"> Cases of Moral and Psychological Torture</h3> Several forms of moral and psychological torture have taken place against the families of the Five. Olga Salanueva, wife of René González, and her daughter Ivette, have never been able to visit him in prison. Adriana Pérez O'Connor, wife of Gerardo Hernández, has not been able to visit her husband. These women have not been able to see their husbands for almost eight years. The treatment given to Adriana is a real case of psychological torture. In June 25, 2002, after five years of waiting, she was granted a visa to visit her husband, who was then in prison in Los Angeles. However, upon her arrival in the United States, Adriana was arrested by the FBI, interrogated for 11 hours and expelled to Cuba.

In order to defend this injustice, the US government has declared that Olga Salanueva and Adriana Pérez cannot be granted visas because they represent a threat to US national security. Even young Ivette, who is eight years old, who still doesn't know her father, represents a serious threat for the US national security, according to the State Department.

In order to obstruct the Five's consular visits, they have been placed in prisons located in the five corners of the country: Gerardo Hernández, in California; Antonio Guerrero, in Colorado; Fernando González, in Wisconsin; Ramón Labañino, in Texas, and René González, in South Carolina.

<h3 class="spip"> US Legislation and International Law are Trampled On </h3> The trial against the Five violates the Constitution of the United States, the Regulations of the Federal Bureau of Prisons, the Declaration on the Protection against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Penalties, the Vienna Convention on Civil and Political Rights, the Convention on Children's Rights, the UN Minimum Rules on the Treatment of Prisoners and the American Convention on Human Rights.

<h3 class="spip"> The Double Standards of the International Media</h3> Washington gives shelter in the US to terrorist groups that carry out an aggressive war against the Cuban Revolution. These fascist groups act openly and with total impunity as the White House has historically supported them. The episode of Luis Posada Carriles, who has been in the United States since last March, in spite of the fact that US courts banned his presence there due to his terrorist activities, has again exposed the lie of the "war on terror".

However, the double standards that the United States uses in its "war on terror", which is only a subterfuge that hides its hegemonic aspirations, is also extended to the international media that accept, endorse and implement the doctrine of the "good terrorist and bad terrorist". Thus, the international media acts as an accomplice of the global maneuver and in fact confirms the US's imperialist plans.

This media plot is obvious. How is it possible that, at the peak of the "war on terror", information transnationals do not talk about the case of Cuba, a country that has been, and still is, the victim of the longest and most fierce terrorist campaign in modern history?

In the name of what ideological amnesia has the international media, after the September 11 attacks, abstained from mentioning the bloody terrorist attack perpetrated on October 6, 1976, against a Cuban airliner off the coast of Barbados considering that it was one of the first cases of air terrorism attacks in history? How come, when the United is sheltering and protecting Luis Posada Carriles, international media prefers to give ample coverage to a meeting of a small group of Cuban "dissidents", paid and controlled by Washington as shown by documents from the US State Department?

The media treatment of the terrorism issue confirms not only the current double talk but also the lie of the "war on terror". If the "war on terror" had any foundation, the international media would denounce the aggressive terrorist campaign that all US administrations have carried out against the Cuban people since 1959. The censure of terrorism against Cuba, apparently the most sophisticated, clearly illustrates the duplicity of western media.

The proven selectivity of these media only further highlights the doctrinal atmosphere that prevails in editorial departments around the world. The scandal of the five Cuban citizens incarcerated in the United States is an example. If western societies were intellectually free, they would denounce the cruel and inhuman treatment given to the Five. However, this legal scandal has been completely ignored by the mainstream media.

The news has to go through an ideological filter that shows how deeply rooted are the basics of authoritarianism in the structures of the international media. Actually, the media, that is supposed to be a reliable source of information, is only an instrument to control thoughts and ideas as it systematically rules out important debates such as the foundation and the legitimacy of a terrorist war waged against a nation that decided to choose the path of independence and self-determination. The basic issues, such as Cuba's right to defend itself against constant aggressions, are simply ignored.

The French media took indecency to its limit describing Luis Posada Carriles as an "anti-Castro militant", "accused of terrorism" or, what is the height of hypocrisy, an "ex-terrorist". Is that what terrorist crimes prescribe? Nobody denounced this semantic crime, which shows that doctrinal barriers work perfectly. What would happen if Osama Bin Laden were described as an "anti-Bush militant", "accused of terrorism", or an "ex terrorist"? The scandal that such words would cause would only equal the complicity of the media in the case of Posada Carriles.

In a certain way, the mainstream media are accomplices of terrorism considering that, for them, the attacks against Cuba are not important. Whenever possible, crimes committed in the name of an anti-revolutionary aversion are kept silent. And when it is impossible to keep on hiding them, they are minimized and the culprits are acquitted by the media with total impunity, as is shown by their description of the worst terrorist in the western hemisphere.

In a tacit way, the media accepts justifying certain violent behavior and denouncing what they describe as arbitrary terrorism. It all depends on who the victim is: if it is European or American, then the culprits are criminals without a God or law; if the victim is a Cuban, the culprits become people "accused of terrorism", "anti-Castro militants" or "ex-terrorists". Public opinion is the main target of this media tyranny.

The ideological framework established within the media censures the real reasons. Thus, the media, the property of big economic and financial groups, shows signs of despotism that represent a danger for the future of humanity.

The Cuban Project (also known as Operation Mongoose) is the general name for CIA covert operations and plans developed during the early administration of U.S. President John F. Kennedy. On November 30, 1961 the President authorized aggressive covert operations against the communist government of Fidel Castro in Cuba. The operation was led by Air Force General Edward Lansdale and came into being after the failed Bay of Pigs invasion.

Harvard Historian Jorge Domínguez states that a prime focus of the Kennedy administration was the removal of Fidel Castro from power. To this end it implemented Operation Mongoose, a US program of sabotage and other secret operations against the island.[1]

The goal of the Cuban Project was to "help Cuba overthrow the Communist regime", including its leader Fidel Castro, and aim "for a revolt which can take place in Cuba by October 1962". American policy makers also desired to see "a new government with which the United States can live in peace." Source: U.S., Department of State, FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 1961-1963, Volume X Cuba, 1961-1962 Washington, DC

<h1 class="firstHeading">Cuba–United States relations</h1>Cuba and the United States of America have had an interest in one another since well before either of their independence movements. Plans for purchase of the nearby island have been put forward at various times by the United States. As the Spanish influence waned in the Caribbean, the United States gradually gained a position of economic and political dominance over the island, with the vast majority of foreign investment holdings, the bulk of imports and exports in its hands, and a major stake in Cuban political affairs to uphold.

Following the Cuban Revolution of 1959 relations deteriorated substantially, and have since been marked by tension and confrontation. The United States does not have formal diplomatic relations with Cuba and has maintained an embargo which makes it illegal for U.S. corporations to do business with Cuba. U.S. diplomatic representation in Cuba is handled by the United States Interests Section in Havana and a similar Cuban Interests Section remains in Washington, D.C.; both are officially part of the respective embassies of Switzerland. The United States continues to operate a naval base at Guantánamo Bay in Guantánamo Province, a point of contention between the two countries since Cuban independence in 1902.

Historical background

[edit] Early relations
Detail of 1591 map of Florida and Cuba.

Relations between the North American mainland and the Spanish colony of Cuba began in the early 18th century through illicit commercial contracts between the European colonies of the New World, trading to elude colonial taxes. As both legal and illegal trade increased, Cuba became a comparatively prosperous trading partner in the region, and a center of tobacco and sugar production. During this period Cuban merchants increasingly traveled to North American ports, establishing trade contracts that endured for many years.

The rebellion of the thirteen colonies in 1776 provided additional trade opportunities between Cuba and North America. Spain opened Cuban ports to North American commerce officially in November 1776 and the island became increasingly dependent on that trade.

After the opening of the island to world trade in 1818, Cuban-United States trade agreements began to replace Spanish commercial connections. In 1820 Thomas Jefferson thought Cuba "the most interesting addition which could ever be made to our system of States" and told Secretary of War John C. Calhoun that the United States "ought, at the first possible opportunity, to take Cuba."[1]
John Quincy Adams, who as U.S. Secretary of State compared Cuba to an apple that, if severed from Spain, would gravitate towards the U.S.

In a letter to U.S. Minister to Spain Hugh Nelson, Secretary of State John Quincy Adams described the likelihood of U.S. "annexation of Cuba" within half a century despite obstacles: "But there are laws of political as well as of physical gravitation; and if an apple severed by the tempest from its native tree cannot choose but fall to the ground, Cuba, forcibly disjoined from its own unnatural connection with Spain, and incapable of self support, can gravitate only towards the North American Union, which by the same law of nature cannot cast her off from its bosom."[2] In 1854 a secret proposal known as the Ostend Manifesto was devised by U.S. diplomats to acquire Cuba from Spain for $130 million. The manifesto was rejected due to objections from anti-slavery campaigners when the plans became public.[3]

By 1877, the United States accounted for 82 percent of Cuba's total exports, and as a monopsonist, was able to control price and hence production levels closely.[4] It was during this period that English traveller Anthony Trollope observed that "The trade of the country is falling into the hands of foreigners, Havana will soon be as American as New Orleans".[5] North Americans were also increasingly taking up residence on the island, and some districts on the northern shore were said to have more the character of America than Spanish settlements. Between 1878 and 1898 American investors took advantage of deteriorating economic conditions of the Ten Years' War to take over estates they had tried unsuccessfully to buy before while others acquired properties at very low prices.[6] Above all this presence facilitated the integration of the Cuban economy into the North American system and weakened Cuba's ties with Spain.

[edit] Independence in Cuba
1900 Campaign poster for the Republican Party depicting American rule in Cuba

See also: Spanish-American War

As Cuban resistance to Spanish rule grew, rebels fighting for independence attempted to get support from U.S. President Ulysses S. Grant. Grant declined and the resistance was curtailed, though American interests in the region continued. US Secretary of State James G. Blaine wrote in 1881 of Cuba, "that rich island, the key to the Gulf of Mexico, and the field for our most extended trade in the Western Hemisphere, is, though in the hands of Spain, a part of the American commercial system… If ever ceasing to be Spanish, Cuba must necessarily become American and not fall under any other European domination."[7]

After some rebel successes in Cuba's second war of independence in 1897, U.S. President William McKinley offered to buy Cuba for $300 million.[8] Rejection of the offer, and an explosion that sunk the American battleship USS Maine in Havana harbor, led to the Spanish-American war. In Cuba the war became known as "the U.S. intervention in Cuba's War of Independence".[2] On 10 December 1898 Spain and the United States signed the Treaty of Paris and, in accordance with the treaty, Spain renounced all rights to Cuba. The treaty put an end to the Spanish Empire in the Americas and marked the beginning of United States expansion and long-term political dominance in the region. Immediately after the signing of the treaty, the US-owned "Island of Cuba Real Estate Company" opened for business to sell Cuban land to Americans.[9] U.S. military rule of the island lasted until 1902 when Cuba was finally granted formal independence.

[edit] Relations 1900–1959
The 10th United States Infantry Regiment - The Army of Occupation in Havana . (Image from "Our Islands and Their People" 1898, from Centennial web site scanned by Lincoln Cushing.)

An agreed condition between Cuba and the United States to secure the withdrawal of United States troops from the island was Cuba's adoption of the Platt Amendment. The amendment was a rider appended to the Army Appropriations Act, a United States federal law passed in March 1901 which was presented to the U.S. Senate by Connecticut Republican Senator Orville H. Platt. The Platt amendment stipulated that the United States could exercise the right to intervene in Cuban political, economic and military affairs if necessary, and replaced the less specific Teller Amendment. It was to define the terms of Cuban-U.S. relations for the following 33 years and was bitterly resented by the majority of Cubans. Another consequence of the amendment gave the United States continued use of the southern portion of Guantánamo Bay, where a United States Naval Station had been established in 1898. The lease of the bay was confirmed by the Cuban-American Treaty which was signed by the presidents of both nations in February 1903.
Opening page of the Platt Amendment

Despite recognizing Cuba's transition into an independent republic, United States Governor Charles Magoon assumed temporary military rule for three more years between following a rebellion led by Jose Miguel Gomez. In 1912 U.S. forces returned again to Cuba to quell protests by Afro-Cubans against perceived discrimination. By 1926 U.S companies owned 60% of the Cuban sugar industry and imported 95% of the total Cuban crop,[10] and Washington was generally supportive of successive Cuban Governments. However, internal confrontations between the government of Gerardo Machado and political opposition led to a military overthrow by Cuban rebels in 1933. U.S. Ambassador Sumner Welles requested U.S. military intervention. President Franklin D. Roosevelt, despite his promotion of the Good Neighbor Policy toward Latin America, ordered 29 warships to Cuba and Key West, alerting United States Marines, and bombers for use if necessary. Machado's replacement, Ramón Grau assumed the Presidency and immediately nullified the Platt amendment. In protest, the United States denied recognition to Grau's government, Ambassador Welles describing the new regime as "communistic" and "irresponsible".[2][11]

The rise of General Fulgencio Batista in the 1930s to de facto leader and President of Cuba for two terms (1940-44 and 1952-59) led to an era of close co-operation between the governments of Cuba and the United States. The United States and Cuba signed the Treaty of Relations in 1934. Batista's second spell as President was initiated by a military coup planned in Florida, and U.S. President Harry S. Truman quickly recognized Batista's return to rule providing military and economic aid.[2] The Batista era witnessed the almost complete domination of Cuba's economy by the United States as the number of American corporations continued to swell, though corruption was rife and Havana also became a popular sanctuary for American organized crime figures, notably hosting the infamous Havana Conference in 1946. U.S. Ambassador to Cuba Arthur Gardner later described the relationship between the U.S. and Batista during his second spell as President:
" Batista had always leaned toward the United States. I don't think we ever had a better friend. It was regrettable, like all South Americans, that he was known-although I had no absolute knowledge of it-to be getting a cut, I think is the word for it, in almost all the, things that were done. But, on the other hand, he was doing an amazing job.[12] "

As armed conflict broke out in Cuba between rebels led by Fidel Castro and the Batista government, the U.S. was urged to end arms sales to Batista by Cuban president-in-waiting Manuel Urrutia. Washington made the critical move in March 1958 to prevent sales of rifles to Batista's forces, thus changing the course of the revolution irreversibly towards the rebels. The move was vehemently opposed by U.S. ambassador Earl T. Smith, and led U.S. state department advisor William Wieland to lament that "I know Batista is considered by many as a son of a bitch... but American interests come first... at least he was our son of a bitch."[13]

[edit] Post revolution relations
Fidel Castro laying a wreath at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, 1959.

See also: Bay of Pigs Invasion, Cuban Missile Crisis U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower officially recognized the new Cuban government after the 1959 Cuban Revolution which had overthrown the Batista government, but relations between the two governments deteriorated rapidly. Within days Earl T. Smith, U.S. Ambassador to Cuba, resigned his post to be replaced by Philip Bonsal. The US government became increasingly concerned by Cuba's agrarian reforms and the nationalization of US owned industries. Between April 15 and 26th, 1959, Castro and a delegation of representatives visited the U.S. as guests of the Press Club. This visit was perceived by many as a charm offensive on the part of Castro and his recently initiated government, and his visit included laying a wreath at the Lincoln memorial. After a meeting between Fidel Castro and Vice-President Richard Nixon, where Castro outlined his reform plans for Cuba,[14] the US began to impose gradual trade restrictions on the island. On September 4 1959, Ambassador Bonsal met with Cuban Premier Fidel Castro to express "serious concern at the treatment being given to American private interests in Cuba both agriculture and utilities."[15]

As the reforms continued, trade restrictions on Cuba increased. The U.S. stopped buying Cuban sugar and refused to supply its former trading partner with much needed oil, with a devastating effect on the island's economy. In March 1960, tensions increased when the freighter La Coubre exploded in Havana harbor, killing over 75 people. Fidel Castro blamed the United States and compared the incident to the sinking of the Maine, though admitting he could provide no evidence for his accusation.[16] That same month, President Eisenhower quietly authorized the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to organize, train, and equip Cuban refugees as a guerrilla force to overthrow Castro.[17]

Each time the Cuban government nationalized American properties, the American government took countermeasures, resulting in the prohibition of all exports to Cuba on October 19, 1960. Consequently, Cuba began to consolidate trade relations with the Soviet Union, leading the US to break off all remaining official diplomatic relations. Later that year, U.S. diplomats Edwin L. Sweet and William G. Friedman were arrested and expelled from the island having been charged with "encouraging terrorist acts, granting asylum, financing subversive publications and smuggling weapons". On January 3, 1961 the US withdrew diplomatic recognition of the Cuban government and closed the embassy in Havana.

In 1961 Cuba resisted an armed invasion by about 1,500 CIA trained Cuban exiles at the Bay of Pigs.[18] President John F Kennedy's complete assumption of responsibility for the venture, which provoked a popular reaction against the invaders, proved to be a further propaganda boost for the Cuban government.[19] The U.S. began the formulation of new plans aimed at destabilizing the Cuban government. These activities were collectively known as the "The Cuban Project" (also known as Operation Mongoose). This was to be a coordinated program of political, psychological, and military sabotage, involving intelligence operations as well as assassination attempts on key political leaders. The Cuban project also proposed attacks on mainland US targets, hijackings and assaults on Cuban refugee boats to generate U.S. public support for military action against the Cuban government, these proposals were known collectively as Operation Northwoods.

A U.S. Senate Select Intelligence Committee report later confirmed over eight attempted plots to kill Castro between 1960 and 1965, as well as additional plans against other Cuban leaders.[20] After weathering the failed Bay of Pigs invasion, Cuba observed as U.S. armed forces staged a mock invasion of a Caribbean island in 1962 named Operation Ortsac. The purpose of the invasion was to overthrow a leader whose name, Ortsac, was Castro spelled backwards.[21] Castro soon became convinced that the U.S. was serious about invading Cuba leading to a huge military build up on the island. Tensions between the two nations reached their peak in 1962, after U.S. reconnaissance aircraft photographed the Soviet construction of intermediate-range missile sites. The discovery led to the Cuban missile crisis.

Trade relations also deteriorated in equal measure. In 1962, President John F. Kennedy broadened the partial trade restrictions imposed after the revolution by Eisenhower to a ban on all trade with Cuba, except for non-subsidized sale of foods and medicines. A year later travel and financial transactions by U.S. citizens with Cuba was prohibited. The United States embargo against Cuba was to continue in varying forms and is still in operation today. Relations began to thaw during President Lyndon B. Johnson's tenure continuing through the next decade and a half. In 1964 Fidel Castro sent a message to Johnson encouraging dialogue, he wrote
" I seriously hope that Cuba and the United States can eventually respect and negotiate our differences. I believe that there are no areas of contention between us that cannot be discussed and settled within a climate of mutual understanding. But first, of course, it is necessary to discuss our differences. I now believe that this hostility between Cuba and the United States is both unnatural and unnecessary - and it can be eliminated.[22] "

Through the late 1960s and early 1970s a sustained period of aircraft hijackings between Cuba and the US by citizens of both nations led to a need for cooperation. By 1974, U.S. elected officials had begun to visit the island. Three years later, during the Carter administration, the U.S. and Cuba simultaneously opened interests sections in each other's capitals.

In 1981 President Ronald Reagan's new administration re-instituted the most hostile policy against Cuba since the invasion at Bay of Pigs. Despite conciliatory signals from Cuba, the administration announced a tightening of the embargo. The U.S. also re-established the travel ban, prohibiting U.S. citizens from spending money in Cuba. The ban was later supplemented to include Cuban government officials or their representatives visiting the U.S. In 1985 Radio Martí, backed by Ronald Reagan's administration began to broadcast news and information from the U.S. to Cuba.

Veterans of CIA's 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion, while no longer being sponsored by the CIA, are still in the news 46 years later. Members of Alpha 66, an anti-Castro paramilitary organization, continue to practice their AK-47 skills in a camp in South Florida.[23]

[edit] Economic sanctions against Cuba

Main article: United States embargo against Cuba

The long standing U.S. embargo was reinforced in October 1992 by the Cuban Democracy Act (the "Torricelli Law") and in 1996 by the Cuban Liberty and Democracy Solidarity Act (known as the Helms-Burton Act). The 1992 act prohibited foreign-based subsidiaries of U.S. companies from trading with Cuba, travel to Cuba by U.S. citizens, and family remittances to Cuba. The Helms Burton Act states, among other things, that any non-U.S. company that "knowingly trafficks in property in Cuba confiscated without compensation from a U.S. person" can be subjected to litigation and that company's leadership can be barred from entry into the United States.[24] Sanctions may also be applied to non-U.S. companies trading with Cuba. As a result, multinational companies have to choose between Cuba and the U.S., the latter being a much larger market. One important exception is the German-owned delivery company DHL. This restriction also applies to maritime shipping, as ships docking at Cuban ports are not allowed to dock at U.S. ports for six months. On October 10, 2006, the United States announced the creation of a task force made up of officials from several US agencies that will pursue more aggressively violators of the US trade embargo against Cuba, with penalties as severe as 10 years of prison and hundreds of dollars in fines for violators of the embargo.[25]

[edit] Recent relations

In the new millennium, hopes were raised in both countries for a new period of greater understanding. At the United Nations Millennium Summit in September 2000, Fidel Castro and US President Bill Clinton spoke briefly at a group photo session and shook hands. U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan commented afterwards, "For a U.S. president and a Cuban president to shake hands for the first time in over 40 years—I think it is a major symbolic achievement". While Castro said it was a gesture of "dignity and courtesy," the White House denied the encounter was of any significance.[26] In November 2001 US companies began selling food to the country for the first time since Washington imposed the trade embargo after the revolution. In 2002, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter became the first former or sitting U.S. president to visit Cuba since 1928.[27]
The Capitolio Nacional in Havana, built in 1929 and said to be a modelled on the Capitol building in Washington, D.C.

Relations deteriorated again following the election of George W. Bush. During his campaign Bush attracted the support of Miami Cubans with anti-Castro rhetoric and ideas of tighter embargo restrictions [28] Cuban-Americans -who generally vote republican, expected effective policies and greater participation in the formation of policies regarding Cuba-US relations. [29] Approximately three months after his inauguration, the Bush administration began expanding travel restrictions. The United States Department of the Treasury issued greater efforts to deter American citizens from illegally travelling to the island. Enforcement first came in the form of sanctions that can demand up to fifty-five thousand dollars and are mailed to American citizens who are caught illegally travelling to Cuba.[30] In a 2004 meeting with members of the Commission for Assistance to a Free Cuba, President Bush stated "We're not waiting for the day of Cuban freedom; we are working for the day of freedom in Cuba."[31]. The President reaffirmed his commitment to Cuban-Americans just in time for his 2004 reelection with promises to "work" rather than wait for freedom in Cuba. Following his 2005 re-election George W. Bush declared Cuba to be one of the few "outposts of tyranny" remaining in the world. Tensions heightened as the Under Secretary for Arms Control and International Security, John R. Bolton, accused Cuba of maintaining a biological weapons program..[32] Many in the US, including ex-president Carter, expressed doubts about the claim. Later, Bolton was criticised for pressuring subordinates who questioned the quality of the intelligence John Bolton had used as the basis for the assertion.[33][34] Bolton identified the Castro government as part of America's 'axis of evil', highlighting the fact that the Cuban leader visited several US foes, including Libya, Iran and Syria.[35] Cuba was also identified as a State Sponsor of Terror by the United States Department of State.[36] The Cuban government denies the claim, and in turn has accused the U.S. of engaging in state sponsored terrorism against Cuba.[37] Historian of Cuba, Wayne Smith and Anya K. Landau, write that "none of the reasons given by the Bush administration for maintaining Cuba on the terrorist list withstand the most superficial examination", and that domestic political calculations at the root of the U.S. government's position.[38]

In January 2006, United States Interests Section in Havana began displaying messages on a scrolling "electronic billboard" in the windows of their top floor. Following a protest march, the Cuban government erected a large number of poles, carrying black flags with single white stars, obscuring the messages.[39]

On September 8, 2006, it was revealed that at least ten South Florida journalists received regular payments from the U.S. government for programs on Radio Martí and TV Martí, two broadcasters aimed at undermining the Cuban government. The payments totaled thousands of dollars over several years. Those who were paid the most were veteran reporters and a freelance contributor for El Nuevo Herald, the Spanish-language newspaper published by the corporate parent of The Miami Herald. The Cuban government has long contended that some South Florida Spanish-language journalists were on the federal payroll.[40]

On September 12, 2006, the United States announced that it had created five inter agency working groups to monitor Cuba and carry out U.S. policies. The groups, some of which operate in a war-room-like setting, were quietly set up after the July 31 announcement that the ailing Cuban leader had temporarily ceded power to a collective leadership headed by his brother Raúl. U.S. officials say three of the newly created groups are headed by the State Department: diplomatic actions; strategic communications and democratic promotion. Another that coordinated humanitarian aid to Cuba is run by the Commerce Department, and a fifth, on migration issues, is run jointly by the National Security Council and the Department of Homeland Security.[41]

Recently, US Congressional auditors have accused the development agency USAID of failing properly to administer its program to allegedly promote democracy in Cuba. They said USAID had channelled tens of millions of dollars through exile groups in Miami, which were sometimes wasteful or kept questionable accounts. The report said the organizations had sent items such as chocolate and cashmere jerseys to Cuba. Their report concludes that 30% of the exile groups who received USAID grants showed questionable expenditures. [1]

Fabio Leite, director of the Radio communications Office of the International Telecommunications Union (ITU), has condemned radio and television transmissions to Cuba from the United States as illegal and inadmissible and more so when they are designed to foment internal subversion on the island. The director emphasized that this constant U.S. attack is in violation of ITU regulations, which stipulate that radio transmissions within commercial broadcasting on medium wave, modulated frequency or television must be conceived of as a good quality national service within the limits of the country concerned. [2]

[edit] Current Trade relations

Under the Trade Sanctions Reform and Enhancement Act of 2000, exports from the United States to Cuba in the industries of food and medical products is permitted with the proper licensing and permissions from the U.S. Department of Commerce and the United States Department of the Treasury. The U.S. embargo on Cuba will remain in place despite Fidel Castro's announcement that he's resigning as Cuba's leader, Deputy Secretary of State John Negroponte said February 19, 2008.[42]

[edit] Succession issues
This article or section contains weasel words, vague phrasing that often accompanies biased or unverifiable information. Such statements should be clarified or removed.

See also: 2006 Cuban transfer of presidential duties

Condoleezza Rice convenes a meeting of the Commission for Assistance to a Free Cuba in December 2005

In 2003 the United States Commission for Assistance to a Free Cuba was formed to "explore ways the U.S. can help hasten and ease a democratic transition in Cuba". The commission immediately announced a series of measures which included a tightening of the travel embargo to the island, a crackdown on illegal cash transfers, and a more robust information campaign aimed at Cuba.[14] Since 2005 the commission has been chaired by Condoleezza Rice and seeks to integrate the administration's Cuba policies with all the agencies of the federal government.[43] Castro has insisted that, in spite of the formation of the Commission, Cuba is itself "in transition: to socialism [and] to communism" and that it is "ridiculous for the U.S. to threaten Cuba now".[44]

In April 2006, the Bush administration appointed Caleb McCarry "transition coordinator" for Cuba, providing a budget of $59 million, with the task of promoting the governmental shift to democracy after Castro's death. Official Cuban news service Granma alleges that these transition plans were created at the behest of Cuban exile groups in Miami, and that McCarry was responsible for engineering the overthrow of the Aristide government in Haiti.[45][46] On the establishment of McCarry as post-Castro transition coordinator, Organization of American States Secretary General José Miguel Insulza said, "There's no transition and it's not your country."[47]

In 2006, The Commission for Assistance to a Free Cuba released a 93-page report. The report included a plan that suggested the United States spend $80 million to overthrow the Cuban Government and ensure that Cuba's Communist system does not continue after the death of President Fidel Castro. The plan also includes a classified annex which Cuban officials claim could be a plot to assassinate Fidel Castro or a United States military invasion of Cuba.[48][49] Shortly after, The United States named a special "manager" for its intelligence operations against Cuba and Venezuela. Iran and North Korea are the only other countries that have been assigned so-called "mission managers", who supervise intelligence operations against them.

Following the temporary transfer of presidential duties in July 2006 to Raúl Castro, brother of Fidel, U.S. government figures have made a series of statements reiterating the desire for political change in Cuba. Raúl Castro responded to these statements saying: "They should be very clear that it is not possible to achieve anything in Cuba with impositions and threats. On the contrary, we have always been disposed to normalize relations on an equal plane. What we do not accept is the arrogant and interventionist policy frequently assumed by the current administration of that country."[50]

During a military parade on December 2, 2006, Raúl Castro stated; "We take this opportunity to once again state that we are willing to resolve at the negotiating table the long-standing dispute between the United States and Cuba." He said talks were only possible if the U.S. government respected Cuba's independence and did not interfere in its internal affairs. The United States, however, rejected the offer of talks, stating that "it saw no point in a dialogue with what it called the Caribbean island's "dictator-in-waiting." [3] [4]

[edit] Guantánamo Bay
A US Navy sailor during a live-fire exercise at the Mobile Inshore Underwater Warfare Site (MIUW) at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba.

See also: Guantanamo Bay Naval Base

The US continues to operate a naval base at Guantánamo Bay. It is leased to the US and only mutual agreement or US abandonment of the area can terminate the lease. The US pays Cuba annually for its lease, but Cuba does not accept the nominal fee. The Cuban government strongly denounces the treaty on grounds that it violates article 52, titled "Coercion of a State by the threat or use of force", of the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. However, Article 4, titled "Non-retroactivity of the present Convention" of the same document states that Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties shall not be retroactively applied to any treaties made before itself.[51]

The acquisition of Guantánamo Bay was part of the Platt Amendment, conditions for the withdrawal of United States troops remaining in Cuba since the Spanish-American War.